Late last month, Senegal breathed a huge sigh of relief. In what was the country’s fourth transfer of power since independence in 1960, incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade was defeated by former prime minister Macky Sall. After Wade received only 32% in the first round of voting, several opposition candidates abandoned their own bids to support Sall, who prevailed with over 65% of the vote in the second round.
While a peaceful, democratic transfer of power is taken for granted in America, it is anything but commonplace in many parts of Africa. Just a few days before the Senegalese elections, Mali, its northern neighbor, was seized by a military coup. To the south, an electoral dispute in Cote d’Ivoire led to civil war in 2011. Although the Arab Spring usurped several authoritarian leaders in Egypt, Libya and other nations, the transitions were often violent, and questions remain as to whether democracy can ever be sustained. Can the “democratic deficit” be overcome?
Senegal’s answer is an optimistic “yes.” But all was not certain in the months preceding Sall’s resounding victory. After being elected in 2001, Wade extended the length of his term by changing the constitution, and defied the two-term limit by declaring his candidacy for this year’s election. He also attempted to guarantee his reelection by lowering the vote requirement from 50% to 25%. When people began protesting in January and February, he deployed riot police and aggressively suppressed the demonstrators. During his eleven years in office, he was also guilty of “mismanagement, corruption and fund embezzlement” and increasingly endowed power to his son, his potential political heir.
On the verge of non-democracy, Wade’s tenuous hold on power came undone in a remarkably democratic way. Although there were clashes with police and rioting in Dakar, the capital, in the months leading up to the elections, the elections themselves were spared from the violence. For the most part, the military stood aside. Voting was not rigged. The results were not fixed. Turnout was very high, with almost three million people – about 55% of registered voters – swamping the polls. With defeat imminent, Wade publicly congratulated his opponent on the victory.
The significance for Senegal is apparent. Against what was the biggest threat to Senegalese democracy in the past several decades, democracy won. Yet, for the rest of Africa, the reaction is perplexing. Analysts rave about Senegal being the beacon of democratic hope for the rest of the continent. Headlines surge with pan-African jubilation – “African Democracy 1, Big Men 0,” “Macky Sall Senegal election win 'example for Africa,’” “Victory for African democracy.” Are such statements warranted? Besides giving the people something interesting to read in the morning paper, what does Sall’s victory really mean for the other 55 African nations? Can Senegal be model for them to follow?
Such questions bring to light some important underlying assumptions – namely, that “Africa” is a legitimate subject of study. Is this true? What makes the African nations worthy of comparative analysis? Why is Senegal a victory for “African democracy” and not simply “democracy?” What is “African democracy” anyways? There are some similarities – Africa is a one contiguous landmass and was historically subject to imperialist pressures and colonization. Many African countries are struggling economically, with very few in the “developed” world. Even so, the massive continent is incredibly diverse; each nation is religiously, politically, linguistically and ethnically unique. Attempts at political consolidation, such as the African Union, have had limited success.
Thus, expectations following the Senegalese election must be tempered by reality. While it is convenient, and certainly optimistic, to view Sall as a hope for all of Africa, it is much more prudent to examine political developments on a case-by-case basis.
Senegal itself has not even finished the race; Sall has been in power for less than a month, and he too may be susceptible to the same corruption that plagued his predecessor. After all, Wade was likewise supported with great enthusiasm, elected in 2001 on a platform of Sopi (“change”) and promises of liberation. Only time will tell if Sall turns out any better. And we’ll have to wait longer still to see if “African democracy” prevails, if such a thing even exists.
